Democracy is the system of government that has the most potential to promote participation and protect human rights. The main reason to promote democracy is that it is a value per se and a human right, as well as an essential component to political stability and economic development within and between countries, particularly in the Middle East and North Africa. Transition to democracy has become a widely-discussed topic considered both in the everyday relations between governments at the bilateral, multilateral and international level as well as in discussions among civil society representatives, grassroots movements and ordinary citizens. One of the essential components for this transition is the opportunity for civil society to have an impact on the political process.
In fact, there are two parallel avenues through which democratization can be encouraged: on one side the growth and evolution of home-grown democracy activists who are struggling to build societies that respect democratic values, and on the other hand the role of a vast number of mechanisms and institutions that act externally and work toward the establishment of free and democratic political institutions. The synergies between these two elements are evident and necessary. Domestic democratic groups have invoked international treaties and norms, as well as international diplomatic and political support, to put pressure on their own institutions to respect universal values, and external actors - be they states, NGOs, or international institutions - have acted with great effect to protect these universal values.
Active participation of non-state actors in the political process and their contribution to the identification of political priorities by state structures are among the essential requirements for liberal institutions and democracy to thrive. The recognition of civil society as a legitimate and necessary counterpart to public institutions for dialogue on issues of democratic reform is one of the key elements that need to be addressed and reinforced when processes of democratisation are at stake. However, several problems and risks need to be addressed in order for these two elements to work together harmoniously. One of the major risks to be avoided is that democracy be considered a foreign value and democracy promotion as a foreign-driven priority. Moreover, it is also important to avoid that in relations with governments the external actors eclipse the local non-state actors, leaving them sidelined, ignored or even discredited. If this take place, effective interaction at the local level it is inhibited, depriving society of the potential for genuine democratic reform.
The overall objective of NPWJ’s MENA Democracy Program is to strengthen the contribution of non-state actors to the democratic process by promoting dialogue with decision makers and state structures. The work of NPWJ is designed to break the unproductive model of “parallel” sessions of governments on the one hand and civil society organizations on the other, which often leads to confrontation rather than interaction, with civil society producing lists of “demands” or “petitions” that have no real impact on government deliberations and instead to strengthen the contribution of non-state actors.
Specific objectives of the MENA Democracy program include: (a) to build the capacity of non-state actors to interact effectively with governments; (b) to monitor and implement on a national level the commitments undertaken by governments and non-state actors in regional and international fora on standards and principles of non-state actors participation; and (c) to undertake specific consultations between government and non-state actors on those standards and principles, to facilitate the establishment of a lasting system, practice or habit of consultation between state structures and non-state actors for all decision-making processes on democratic reform.
To this end, NPWJ has developed a program of activities aiming to establish systematic peer-to-peer consultation between Government representatives and activists, politicians, parliamentarians, academics, intellectuals and thinkers, democracy advocates and NGO leaders, opinion makers, editorialists and others within the framework of official institutional decision making processes on all issues of democratic reform.
